Archbishop Carlo Maria Vigano

Nobody in the Catholic Church is more astute in his assessment of the malign influence of globalists than Archbishop Vigano. A former Papal Nuncio (Ambassador) to the United States, he has also led efforts to identify and remove high-ranking prelates who have committed sexual crimes against children. On July 4, 2024, Vigano was excommunicated for the Canon Law crime of ‘schism’, for criticizing Pope Francis. Here are remarks Archbishop Vigano made on July 2, 2022:

Your Excellency, after the psycho-pandemic, we now have the Russian-Ukrainian crisis. Are we in “phase two” of one single project, or can we now consider the Covid farce to be over and concern ourselves with the increase in energy prices?


If in the last two years we had been faced with a true pandemic, caused by a deadly virus for which no other cures existed except for a vaccine, we would be able to think that the emergency was not intended. But this is not what happened: the SARS-CoV-2 virus is nothing but a seasonal flu that could have been cured with existing treatments and effective prevention based on strengthening immune defenses. The prohibition of treatment, the discrediting of the effectiveness of drugs that have been in use for decades, the decision to hospitalize the elderly who became sick in nursing homes and the imposition of an experimental gene treatment that has been demonstrated not only to be ineffective but also harmful and often fatal – all this confirms for us that the pandemic has been planned and managed with the purpose of creating the greatest damage possible. This is a fact that has been established and confirmed by the official data, despite the systematic falsification of that same data.

Certainly, those who wanted to manage the pandemic in this way are not disposed now to yield easily, also because there are billionaire interests behind all of it. But what “they” want does not always necessarily happen.

In your opinion, Your Excellency, was the pandemic managed in this way due to inexperience? Or was it due to the corruption of those in positions of control who are in a conflict of interest because they are paid off by the pharmaceutical industry?

This is the second element to consider: the response to the pandemic was the same all over the world, where health authorities slavishly adapted to health protocols that were contrary to the scientific literature and medical evidence, instead following the directives of self-proclaimed “experts,” who have a record of sensational failures, apocalyptic predictions completely divorced from reality, and very grave conflicts of interest. We cannot think that millions of doctors all over the world have lost their basic knowledge of the art of medicine, believing that a flu should be allowed to evolve into pneumonia and then be treated with tachypirin or by placing patients on ventilators. If they have done this, it is due to pressure – even to the point of blackmail – by health authorities over medical personnel, with the help of a scandalous campaign of media terrorism and with the support of Western leaders. Most of these leaders are members of a lobby – the World Economic Forum – that trained them and placed them at the highest levels of national and international institutions in order to be certain that those who govern would be obedient. Klaus Schwab has publicly boasted, on many occasions, of being able to interfere even with religious leaders. These too are documented facts in all the nations that followed the directives of the WHO and the pharmaceutical companies. There is clearly a single script under a single direction: this demonstrates the existence of a criminal design and the malice of its creators.

In some of your other statements, you have spoken of a “golpe bianco” (a “silent coup”). A “silent coup” is a coup d’état that takes place without the use of force, carried out by a government that exercises power in an unconstitutional way. In this case the coup was carried out in all the Western nations almost simultaneously, beginning with the first years of the 1990s. For Italy, this coup began with the divestment of investee companies and the privatization of services that normally burdened the treasury, such as health and transportation services, following the directives given by high finance to Mario Draghi on June 2, 1992, on the yacht Britannia. Yes, Mario Draghi, who at the time was General Director of the Ministry of the Treasury and whom then-President of the Italian Republic Francesco Cossiga called a “cowardly businessman.” In other nations this coup took place in an analogous way, with a series of progressive transfers of sovereignty to supra-national entities like the European Commission, the European Central Bank, the International Monetary Fund, and the World Bank. With the introduction of the euro [in 2002], monetary sovereignty was removed from the nations adhering to the Maastricht Treaty, transferring it to the European Central Bank, which is a private bank. This bank decides the rate with which it finances national budgets, using money that these same nations have already given it. In practice, the European Central Bank demands interest on money that it only returns a penny at a time, and only on certain conditions: reforms, cuts in public spending, the imposition of laws promoting gender equality, abortion rights, the indoctrination of children, etc. The introduction of a balanced budget requirement into the [Italian] Constitution – as if the State was a company – was also part of the silent coup.

All the members of these bodies, including the same rulers who have been appointed at the recommendation of non-elected powers or have succeeded in winning election thanks to the manipulation of information, are at the same time the servants of high finance power groups or of large investment funds – some were their employees, such as Draghi of Goldman Sachs – others became employees after their term ended. Just like the drug agencies and health organizations are composed of former BigPharma employees, who often receive consulting contracts and who are paid by the very pharmaceutical companies they are supposed to be keeping an eye on.

Up until the pandemic, power was in practice still managed at least formally by individual nations, and laws were passed by Parliaments. But for the last two years, the Parliaments have been deprived of authority, and all those whom the World Economic Forum and other lobbies have succeeded in placing at the high levels of governments and international institutions have begun to legislate against the Constitution and the interests of the Nation, obeying orders given to them from on high – “from the markets,” they tell us – which in fact is made up of a very small number of multinational corporations that engulf competing companies, flatten professional skills with damage to the quality of the product, and reduce the protection and wages of workers thanks to the complicity of unions and of the Left.

In short, we are governed by a high command of usurers and speculators, from Bill Gates who invests in large farms right on the eve of the food emergency or in vaccines just before the outbreak of the pandemic, to George Soros, who speculates on the fluctuations of currencies and government bonds and along with Hunter Biden finances a bio-laboratory in Ukraine.

To think that there is no relationship between the instigators of these crimes and those who carry them out at the highest levels of national governments, the EU, and the UN is a sign of bad faith, because even a child could understand that we are held hostage by a group of technocrats who are ideologically deviant and morally corrupt. The peoples of the world need to reclaim their sovereignty, which has been usurped by the globalist elite.

The instigators of this crime show themselves proudly at the Davos Forum, at meetings of the Trilateral Commission or the Bilderberg Group along with the rulers, prime ministers, directors of newspapers and television broadcasters, CEOs of social bankers and directors of social platforms and multinational corporations, bankers and directors of ratings agencies, presidents of foundations and self-styled philanthropists. All of these share the same agenda – which they publish on their websites – and are so confident in their own power that they affirm it with impunity – as Soros and Schwab have recently done – that it is necessary to create a narrative to be conveyed through the mainstream media, in order to make their decisions acceptable to the people. They embrace censorship and mass manipulation as instrumentum regni, and we have had proof of this both with the pandemic farce as well as with the pro-Zelensky propaganda in Ukraine.

We must understand that our rulers are traitors of our Nation who are devoted to the elimination of populations, and that all of their actions are carried out in order to cause the greatest amount of harm to citizens. It is not a problem of inexperience or inability but rather of an intentio nocendi – a deliberate intention to harm. Honest citizens find it inconceivable that those who govern them could do it with the perverse intention of undermining and destroying them, so much so that they find it very hard to believe. The main cause of this very serious problem is found in the corruption of authority along with the resigned obedience of those who are governed.

The Catholic Church also, beginning with the revolution of Vatican II and above all during the last nine years of the Bergoglian “pontificate,” has experienced the same cognitive dissonance: the faithful and the Clergy have resigned themselves to obeying mere cynical officials – who are no less corrupt and perverted than their counterparts in the deep state – although it has been evident that the purpose of the alleged “reforms” has always been the systematic destruction of the Church by its highest leaders, who are heretics and traitors. And I note that the deep church has had recourse to the same false arguments in order to pass off the doctrinal, moral, and liturgical dissolution: first of all, the false contention that those reforms were requested “from the ground up” and not imposed with force from on high. Just like the reforms planned by the World Economic Forum, the Bilderberg group, and the Trilateral are adopted by their infiltrators in the highest levels of nations and international organisms, making it appear that their plans are ratified by popular consent.

And what do you advise, Your Excellency, to get out of this dead end? Respect for authority is connatural to civilized man, but it is necessary to distinguish between obedience and servility. You see, every virtue consists of the just mean between two opposite vices, without being a compromise, but also as the peak between two valleys, so to speak. Disobedience sins by falling short, not wanting to submit to a good order of a legitimate authority; servility on the other hand sins by excess, submitting to unfair orders or orders given by an illegitimate authority. The good citizen should know how to disobey civil authority, and the good Catholic how to do the same with ecclesiastical authority, disobeying whenever the authority demands obedience to an iniquitous order.

Doesn’t such talk seem to be a bit revolutionary, Your Excellency? Far from it. The anarchists and courtiers both have a distorted concept of authority: the former deny it while the latter idolize it. The just mean is the only morally viable way, because it responds to the order that the Lord has imprinted on the world and that respect the celestial hierarchy. We owe obedience to legitimate authority in the measure in which its power is exercised for the purposes for which authority has been established by God: the temporal good of citizens in the case of the State and the spiritual good of the faithful in the case of the Church. An authority that imposes evil on its subjects is for that very reason illegitimate and its orders are null. Let’s not forget that the true Lord from whom all authority comes is God, and that the earthly authority – civil as well as spiritual – is always vicarious, that is, it is subject to the authority of Jesus Christ, King and High Priest. Setting up the vicarious authority of rulers in the place of the royal authority of the Lord is a mad gesture and – yes – revolutionary and rebellious.

Risk Aversion an Invitation to Authoritarian Government

‘Is it OK for me to hug my granddaughter?’ Now something odd has happened to a society in which people feel they need to ask the Prime Minister if it’s OK to hug their granddaughter.

Oration delivered by Lord Jonathan Sumption at the 2022 Robert Menzies Institute, Melbourne Australia, 13 October 2022.

In my adult life, there have been radical changes in our world that have undermined many of the values that Menzies held dear. The West’s share of the world’s resources and output, which Menzies took as a given, has been much reduced. We face problems of faltering growth, relative economic decline, redundant skills, and capricious patterns of inequality. At the same time, there has been a dramatic rise in public demands of the state, as the providers of amenities, as a guarantor of minimum standards of economic security, and as the regulator of an ever-widening range of human activity. Coercion is the ordinary language of the state. When we transfer responsibility for our well-being from ourselves to the state, we invite a larger measure of coercion and a more authoritarian style of government.

…I am concerned with what this particular [pandemic] episode in our history tells us about current attitudes to the state, and personal liberty. On that larger canvas, lockdowns are only the latest and most spectacular illustration of a wider tendency in our societies. At the root of the political problems generated by the pandemic was the public’s attitude to risk. People have a remarkable degree of confidence in the capacity of the state to contain risk and to ward off misfortune. An earlier generation regarded natural catastrophes as only marginally amenable to state action. In the century since the Spanish Flu, something radically changed in our collective outlook. Two things have changed: One is that we expect more of the state, and are less inclined to accept that there are limits on what it can or should do. The other is that we are no longer willing to accept risks which have always been inherent in life itself. Human beings have, after all, lived with epidemic disease since the beginning of time…. So the change is in ourselves, and not in the nature or severity of the risks that we face. Epidemic disease is a particularly clear example of the kind of risk from which we crave protection from the state, although it is inherent in life itself. But there are many other risks — financial loss, economic insecurity, crime, sexual abuse and violence, accidental injury. The quest for state protection against ever-wider categories of risk is a very powerful instinct of modern life. It is not, however, irrational. In some ways, it is a response to the remarkable increase in the technical competence of mankind since the middle of the 19th century, which has greatly increased the range of the things that the state can do. As a result, we have inordinately high expectations of the state. For all perils, there must be a governmental solution. If there is none, then that implies a lack of governmental competence.

Risk-aversion, and the fear that goes with it, are a standing invitation to authoritarian government. If we hold governments responsible for everything that goes wrong, they will take away our autonomy. If we demand protection from the state from risks which are inherent in life itself, then the state measures will necessarily involve the suppression of some part of life itself. The quest for security at the price of coercion, and state interventions, is a feature of democratic politics which was pointed out in the 1830s by the great political scientist Alexis de Tocqueville, in his remarkable study of American democracy, a book whose uncanny relevance to modern dilemmas can still take on by surprise after nearly two centuries. De Tocqueville’s description of the process can hardly be bettered. What he said was this:

The protecting power of the state extends its arm over the whole community. It covers the surface of society with complicated rules, minute and uniform, through which the most original minds and the most energetic characters cannot penetrate, to rise above the crowd. The will of man is not shattered, but it is softened, and guided. Men are seldom forced to act, but they are constantly restrained from acting. Such a power does not destroy, but it prevents existence. It does not tyrannize, but it compresses, enervates, and extinguishes; it stupefies the people until each nation is reduced to nothing better than a flock of timid industrious animals to which the government is the shepherd.’

Now by definition, regulation is designed to limit risk by limiting freedom. Governments do this primarily to protect themselves from criticism. During the pandemic, regulators addressed the risk of infection by closing [places of assembly] because governments identified that as the thing that they were most likely to be criticized for. Governments were quite willing to accept considerable collateral damage to mental health resulting from lockdowns, and large increases in deaths from cancer, ischemic heart disease, and dementia. Why was that? Because they knew they were less likely to be criticized for those things — they wouldn’t show up on TV screens. They would not appear in daily casualty figures….

… In Hobbes’ model of government, the state could do absolutely anything for the purpose of reducing the risks that threaten our well-being, other than deliberately killing us. Hobbes’ state as an exceedingly unpleasant thing, but he did grasp a profound truth: Most despotism comes not because a despot has seized power, but because people willingly surrender their freedoms in return for security. Our culture has always rejected Hobbes’ model of society. Intellectually, it still does. But in recent years, it has increasingly tended to act on it [Hobbes’ model]. The response to Covid-19 took that tendency a long way further. I could not have imagined in 2019 that my concerns [then] would be so quickly and dramatically vindicated.

Until March 2020, it was unthinkable that liberal democracies could confine healthy people to their homes indefinitely, with limited exceptions dependent entirely on the discretion of government ministers. It was unthinkable that a whole population could be subject to criminal penalties for associating with other human beings, and answerable to the police for all the most ordinary activities of daily life….

In the United Kingdom, the man mainly responsible for persuading the Government to impose a lockdown was Professor Neil Ferguson, an epidemiological modeler based at Imperial College, London. His work was influential both in the U.S. and elsewhere. In a press interview in February 2021, Professor Ferguson explained what changed their [U.K. Govt ministers’] minds: It was the lockdown in China. What he said was this: ‘It’s a Communist one-party state. We couldn’t get away with it in Europe. And then Italy did it, and we realized we could.‘ It’s worthwhile to reflect on what that statement meant. It meant that because a lockdown of the entire population appears to work in a country which was notoriously indifferent to individual rights, and traditionally treated human beings as mere instruments of state policy, they could, quote ‘get away with it‘, unquote, doing the same thing here [in the U.K.]. Entirely absent from Professor Ferguson’s analysis, was any conception of why this was hitherto unthinkable for Western countries to do this. It was unthinkable because it was based on a conception of the state’s relationship with its citizens which was morally repellent even if it worked.

It’s not merely the assault on liberty that matters. It’s the particular liberty which has been most obviously discarded, namely the liberty to associate with other human beings. Association with other human beings is not simply an optional extra, a leisure option. It is fundamental to our humanity. Our emotional relationships, our mental well-being, our economic fortunes, our entire social existence, is built on the ability of people to come together. Historically, the response to an epidemic like this would have been the responsibility of individual to make their own risk assessment, in the light of their own vulnerabilities, and those of the people around them. Sweden, which avoided coercion, in favor of sensible advice to vulnerable categories, had a death toll broadly in line with the European average, and considerably better than the United Kingdom. The substitution of a governmental decision applicable to the whole population, irrespective of their individual circumstances, is a most extraordinary development in the history of our society, and of other Western societies which have done the same thing….

All of this marks a very radical change in the relationship between citizens and the state. The change is summed up in the first question that was asked of the U.K. Prime Minister when Number Ten’s daily press conferences were opened up to the public. The question was ‘Is it OK for me to hug my granddaughter?’ Now something odd has happened to a society in which people feel they need to ask the Prime Minister if it’s OK to hug their granddaughter…. We have come to regard the right of a normal life as a gift of the state. And all of this was made possible by fear. Throughout history, fear has been the principal instrument of the authoritarian state….

As serious as the implications are for our relations with the state are the implications for our relations with each other. The use of political power as an instrument of mass coercion, fueled by public fear, is exceptionally corrosive. It’s corrosive, perhaps especially, even when it enjoys majority support. For it tends to be accompanied, as it has been in Britain, and I believe, in Australia, by manipulative government propaganda, and vociferous intolerance of any minority that disagrees. Authoritarian governments fracture the society in which they operate. The pandemic generated distrust, resentment, and mutual hostility among citizens in most countries where lockdowns were imposed.

It’s widely assumed that this is a phase which will pass when Covid-19 disappears, if it ever does. I’m afraid I think this is an illusion. We have turned a corner, and it will not be easy to go back. I say this for several reasons. The first is that governments to not lightly relinquish power that they have once acquired. In Britain, wartime controls were kept for years after the end of the war…. My second reason is that I see no reason why politicians should ever want or need to respect basic liberal values if the public is happy to see the back of them. There will be other pandemics. They will provoke the same reaction. But public support for Napoleonic government is not just simply a response to epidemic disease. It’s a response to a much more general feeling, of insecurity, combined with a profound faith in the ability of government to solve any problem if they throw enough money and talent at it. It’s a symptom of a much more general appetite for authoritarian government, as the price of security. And it’s accentuated by a growing feeling that one sees in countless polls that strong governments are efficient, they get on with the problem while deliberative assemblies like Parliament are just a waste of time and a source of dispute and inefficiency….

Most Western democracies have resisted the tendency [toward despotism] for something like two centuries, and avoided the disintegration which Aristotle regarded as their natural end. That has enabled this to happen is a shared political culture. Governments have immense powers, not just in the field of public health, but generally. These powers have existed for many years. Their existence has been tolerable in a liberal democracy only because of a culture of restraint, proportionality, and balance which has made it unthinkable that they should in a despotic manner. It has only ever been culture and convention which prevented governments from adopting a totalitarian model. But culture and convention are fragile. They take years to form, but can be destroyed very quickly. Once you discard them, there is no barrier left; the spell is broken. If something is unthinkable until someone in authority thinks of it, then the psychological barriers which have always been our main protection against despotism have vanished. There is no inevitability about any future course of a historical trend. But the changes in our political culture seem to reflect a very profound change in the public mood, which has been for many years in the making, and will be many many years in the unmaking. We are entering into a Hobbesian world, the enormity of which has not yet dawned on our people. Thank you very much.

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